Thursday, September 6, 2007


"Ph.D." redirects here, for other uses see Ph.D. (disambiguation).
Doctor of Philosophy, abbreviated Ph.D. (American English) or PhD (British English) for the Latin Philosophiæ Doctor, meaning "teacher of philosophy", (or, more rarely, D.Phil., for the equivalent Doctor Philosophiæ) is an advanced academic degree. In the English-speaking world it has become the most common denomination for a research doctorate and applies to graduates in a wide array of disciplines in the sciences and humanities. The Ph.D. has become a requirement for a career as a university professor or researcher in many fields. In addition, many Ph.D. graduates go on to careers in government departments, NGOs, or in the private sector.

History of the Ph.D.
Ph.D.s are awarded under different circumstances and with different requirements in many different English-speaking countries.

Doctor of philosophy degrees across the globe

Australia
Admission to a Ph.D. program within Australia and New Zealand requires the prospective student to have at least completed either a Bachelor's Degree with an Honours component or a higher degree such as a post graduate Master Degree by research or a Master Degree by course work.
In most disciplines, Honours involves an extra year of study including a large research component in addition to coursework; however, in some disciplines such as engineering, law and pharmacy, Honours is automatically awarded to high achievers of the normal four-year program. To obtain a Ph.D. position, students must usually gain a First Class Honours, but may sometimes be admitted with a high Second Class Honours (known as a 2A, or Second Class Honours Division I). Alternatively, a student who fails to achieve a First or Second Class Honours may apply for a Research Masters course (usually 12-18 months) and upgrade to a PhD after the first year, pending sufficient improvement.

Admission
In Australia, Ph.D. students are sometimes offered a scholarship to study their Ph.D. The most common of these is the Australian Postgraduate Award (APA) scholarship, which provides a living stipend to students of approximately AU$20,000 a year (tax free). Most universities also offer a similar scholarship that matches the APA amount, but are funded by the university. In recent years, with the tightening of research funding in Australia, these scholarships have become increasingly hard to obtain. In addition to the more common APA and University scholarships, Australian students also have other sources of funding in their Ph.D. These could include, but are not limited to, scholarships offered by schools, research centres and commercial enterprise. For the latter, the amount is determined between the university and the organisation, but is quite often set at the APA (Industry) rate, roughly AU$7,000 more than the usual APA rate. Australian students are often also able to tutor undergraduate classes and do guest lectures (much like a teaching assistant in the USA) to generate income. An Australian Ph.D. scholarship is paid for a duration of 3 years, while a 6 month extension is usually possible upon citing delays out of the control of the student. Completion of a Ph.D. is results dependent, and often students are unable to finish during the tenure of the scholarship.
PhD and Research Masters students in Australia are not charged course fees as these are paid for by the Australian Government under the Research Training Scheme. International students and Coursework Masters students must pay course fees, unless they receive a scholarship to cover them.

Funding

Canada
Admission to a Ph.D. program at a Canadian university may require completion of a Master's degree in a related field, with sufficiently high grades and proven research ability. In many cases, a student may progress directly from an Honours Bachelor's degree to a Ph.D. program. The student usually submits an application package including a research proposal, letters of reference, transcripts, and in some cases, a sample of the student's writing. A common criterion for prospective Ph.D students is the comprehensive or qualifying examination, a process that often commences in the second year of a graduate program. Generally, successful completion of the qualifying exam permits continuance in the graduate program. Formats for this examination include oral examination by the student's faculty committee (or a separate qualifying committee), or written tests designed to demonstrate the student's knowledge in a specialized area (below)
At English-speaking universities, students may also be required to demonstrate English language ability, usually via an acceptable score on a standard examination (e.g Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL)). Depending on the field, the student may also be required to demonstrate ability in one or more additional language(s). Prospective students applying to French-speaking universities may also have to demonstrate at least some English language ability.

Admission
While some students work outside the university (or at student jobs within the university), in some programs students are advised (or must agree) not to devote more than twelve hours per week to activities outside of their studies.
At some Canadian universities, most Ph.D. students receive an award equivalent to the tuition amount for the first four years (this is sometimes called a tuition deferral or tuition waiver). Other sources of funding include teaching assistantships and research assistantships; experience as a teaching assistant is encouraged but not requisite in many programs. Some programs may require all Ph.D. candidates to teach, which may be done under the supervision of their supervisor or regular faculty.
Besides these sources of funding, there are also various competitive scholarships, bursaries, and awards available, such as those offered by NSERC, CIHR, or SSHRC.

Funding
In general, the first two years of study are devoted to completion of coursework and the comprehensive examinations. At this stage, the student is known as a "Ph.D. student." It is usually expected that the student will have completed most of his or her required coursework by the end of this stage, and is usually required that by the end of eighteen - thirty-six months after the first registration, the student will have successfully completed the comprehensive exams.
Upon successful completion of the comprehensive exams, the student becomes known as a "Ph.D. candidate." From this stage on, the bulk of the student's time will be devoted to his or her own research, culminating in the completion of a Ph.D. "thesis," or "dissertation." The final requirement is an oral thesis defence open to the public.
At most Canadian universities, the time needed to complete a Ph.D. typically ranges from four to six years. It is, however, not uncommon for students to be unable to complete all the requirements within six years, particularly given that funding packages often support students for only two to four years; many departments will allow program extensions at the discretion of the thesis supervisor and/or department chair. Alternate arrangements exist whereby a student is allowed to let their registration in the program lapse at the end of six years and re-register once the thesis is completed in draft form. The general rule is that graduate students are obligated to pay tuition until the initial thesis submission has been received by the thesis office. In other words, if a Ph.D. student defers or delays the initial submission of their thesis they remain obligated to pay fees until such time as the thesis as been received in good standing.

Requirements for completion

France
Engineering schools students passed their "High school + 5 years" studies with a "diplôme d'ingénieur". University Students had to choose previously between a research career Diplôme d'études approfondies (DEA) and a practical one (DESS) in the determination of their "High school + 5 years" degree (BAC+5), both equivalents to the Master's degree. The new European Bologna process will combine these three diplomas into one Master's degree. Admission to a Doctorat programme at a French university normally requires completion of one of these four diplomas in a related field, with sufficiently high grades. The student must usually submit an application package including a research proposal, transcripts, and a sample of the student's writing, i.e. his/her license and masters' theses.
Foreign students may also be required to demonstrate French language ability, usually via an acceptable score on a standard examination, as well for English.

Admission
Grants are usually defined for 3 years. There are different sources of grants and fellowships.
The main source is public, managed by the related universities. A high level of discrimination between topics and disciplines exists between social and technical sciences: a geography DEA preparation class receives only one 3-year scholarship for 60 candidates when a biomolecular science class receives one for 2 candidates. A private company funded program, the "CIFRE" was created for about 10 years. In this programme a company makes an agreement with a candidate for the 3-year Doctorat to be completed. It supports many management and technology Doctorat candidates. However, there is some controversy about the reliability of the results of such a thesis due to confidentiality problems.
While some students work outside the university (or at student jobs within the university), in some programmes students are advised (or must agree) not to devote more than twelve hours per week to activities outside of their studies. However, teaching assistantships are still not common in French universities.
Besides these sources of funding there are also various scholarships, bursaries and awards available.

Funding
In general, there are no exams or qualifiers to pass during the three years of study. The final requirement is a public thesis defence. The minimum amount of time needed to complete a Doctorat is two years, and the maximum is six.

Requirements for completion
See also: Education in Germany

Germany
In Germany a Master, Diploma, Magister or Staatsexamen (state examination) degree is usually required to gain admission to a doctoral program. Sometimes good grades or a degree in a related field are additional requirements. The candidate must also find a tenured professor to serve as the formal advisor on the Dissertation throughout the doctoral program. This advisor is informally termed Doktorvater ('father of the doctor', for a male professor) or Doktormutter ('mother of the doctor', for a female professor).

Admission
In early university history the Doctorate was awarded as a first degree. It has since evolved into a research degree.
In German-speaking countries, most Eastern European countries, the former Soviet Union, most parts of Africa, Asia, and many Spanish-speaking countries the corresponding degree is simply called "Doctor" and is distinguished by subject area with a Latin suffix (e.g. "Dr.med." — doctor medicinæ — which is not equal to an M.D., "Dr.rer.nat" — doctor rerum naturalium (Doctor of Science), "Dr. phil." — doctor philosophiæ etc.).

History
The dottorato di ricerca (doctorate of research) is the highest Italian academic degree, the equivalent of a Ph.D. The dottorato is a relatively recent addition to the Italian academic landscape, having been instituted in 1980.
Until recent times, no title matching the Bachelor degree existed in the Italian education system and the laurea (the equivalent of a Master's degree) was granted after a single educational program of four, five or six years, including a final research thesis work. Nowadays, with the new system that introduced the Bachelor degree (laurea triennale), a Master's degree (laurea specialistica or laurea magistrale) is required to enter doctoral studies.
Students are admitted to the doctoral program via public concourses offered by individual universities, which set their own standards for admission. The program is from three to five years in length. Because of the relatively recent introduction of the dottorato, the term dottore is officially used in Italy to refer to any person with a university degree: today, even a person with just a Bachelor-equivalent "laurea triennale" use the title "dottore". Therefore, holders of the dottorato acquire the title of dottore di ricerca ("doctor of research").

Italy

Doctor of Philosophy United Kingdom
In principle, a university is free to admit anyone to a Ph.D. programme; however, in practice, admission is usually conditional on the prospective student having successfully completed an undergraduate degree with at least upper second class honours, or a postgraduate master's degree.

Admission
In the UK, funding for Ph.D. students is often provided by government-funded Research Councils or the ESF. The funding usually takes the form of a tax-free bursary which consists of tuition fees together with a stipend of around GBP12,600 per year for three years (rising to £14,300 per year in London), whether or not the degree continues for longer. Research Council funding is typically allocated to an academic department which then allocate it to students, although restrictions as to the minimum acceptable qualifications are normally specified. These minimum requirements are typically a first degree with upper second class honours, although successful completion of a postgraduate master's degree is usually counted as raising the class of the first degree by one division for these purposes. However, the availability of funding in many disciplines (especially humanities, social studies, and pure science subjects) means that in practice only those with the best research proposals, references and backgrounds are likely to be awarded a studentship. The ESRC (Economic and Social Science Research Council) explicitly state that a 2.1 minimum (or 2.2 plus additional masters degree) is required - no additional marks are given for students with a first class honours or a distinction at masters level.
Many students who are not in receipt of external funding may choose to undertake the degree part time, thus reducing the tuition fees, as well as creating free time in which to earn money for subsistence.
Students may also take part in tutoring, work as research assistants, or (occasionally) deliver lectures, at a rate of typically £15-20 per hour, either to supplement existing income or as a sole means of funding.

Funding
Funding usually lasts for three years full-time (this period is usually extended pro rata for part-time students) and the thesis must usually be submitted within seven years. Since the early 1990s, the UK funding councils have adopted a policy of penalising the departments of students who fail to submit their theses in four years (or equivalent) by reducing the number of funded places in subsequent years.

Completion
In the United Kingdom Ph.D.s are distinct from other doctorates, most notably the higher doctorates such as D.Litt. (Doctor of Letters) or D.Sc. (Doctor of Science), which are granted on the recommendation of a committee of examiners on the basis of a substantial portfolio of submitted (and usually published) research.
Recent years have seen the introduction of vocational doctorates, most notably in the fields of engineering (Eng. D.), education (Ed. D.), clinical psychology (D. Clin. Psychol.) and business administration (D.B.A.). These typically have a more formal taught component, as well as a research component roughly equivalent to that of a Ph.D. This research component typically takes the form of a portfolio of two or three smaller research studies, rather than a single dissertation focusing on one larger academic project.

Other doctorates

United States
In the United States, the Ph.D. is the highest academic degree awarded by universities in many fields of study. US students undergo a series of three phases in the course of their doctoral work: the first phase consists of coursework in the student's field of study and requires one to three years to complete. This often is followed by a preliminary or comprehensive examination and/or a series of cumulative examinations where the emphasis is on breadth rather than depth of knowledge.
Another two to four years is usually required for the composition of a substantial and original contribution to human knowledge embodied in a written dissertation that in the social sciences and humanities is typically 100 to 450 pages in length. Dissertations generally consist of (i) a comprehensive literature review, (ii) an outline of methodology, and (iii) several chapters of scientific, social, historical, philosophical, or literary analysis. Typically, upon completion, the candidate undergoes an oral examination, sometimes public, by his or her supervisory committee with expertise in the given discipline.
In most research fields, a doctoral degree is required for employment. In some fields, notably the sciences, newly-graduated Ph.D.s are unlikely to obtain a tenure-track post and so undertake one or more postdoctoral positions. However, in recent years, in light of large-scale faculty retirement in North American universities and colleges, the government believes academic employment prospects for freshly minted Ph.D. graduates may be improving., and this is also supported by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, which finds that many of the jobs becoming available for Ph.D.s are part time.
The Ph.D. is often misunderstood to be synonymous with the term "doctorate". While the Ph.D. is the most common doctorate, the term "doctorate" can refer to any number of doctoral degrees in the United States. The U.S. Department of Education and the National Science Foundation recognize numerous doctoral degrees as "equivalent", and do not discriminate between them (e.g., Doctor of Arts (D.A.), Doctor of Musical Arts (D.M.A.), Doctor of Education (Ed. D.), Doctor of Science (D.Sc.), Doctor of Theology (Th. D.), Doctor of Business Administration (D.B.A.).
See Doctoral Degree in the United States

Overview
Admission to a Ph.D. program in the United States typically requires applicants to have a Bachelor's degree in a relevant field, reasonably high grades, several letters of recommendation, relevant academic coursework, a cogent statement of interest in the field of study, and a satisfactory performance on the Graduate Record Exam (GRE). The general GRE is usually required; an appropriate GRE subject test may also be required. Specific admissions criteria differ substantially according to university admissions policies and fields of study; some programs in well-regarded research universities may admit less than 5% of applicants and require an exceptional performance on the GRE along with near-perfect grades, strong support in letters of recommendation, substantial research experience, and academically sophisticated samples of their writing.

Admission
As applicants to many Ph.D. programs are not required to have Master's Degrees, many programs award a M.A. or M.S. degree "in passing" or "in course." These degrees are awarded based on graduate work, but are not "terminal" degrees because the recipient is expected to continue his or her education toward the Ph.D. Students who receive such Master's Degrees are usually required to complete a certain amount of coursework and a master's thesis. Depending on the specific program, masters-in-passing degrees can be either mandatory or optional. Not all Ph.D. students choose to complete the additional requirements necessary for the M.A. or M.S. if such requirements are not mandated by their programs. Those students will simply obtain the Ph.D. at the end of their graduate study.

Master's degree "in passing"
Depending on the specific field of study, completion of a Ph.D. program usually takes between four and eight years of enrollment after the Bachelor's Degree; those students who begin a Ph.D. program with a Master's Degree may complete their Ph.D. a year or two sooner.

See also

Wednesday, September 5, 2007

Woodward High School (Cincinnati, Ohio)
Woodward High School is a public high school located in the Bond Hill neighborhood of Cincinnati, Ohio. It is part of the Cincinnati Public School District.

Notable alumni

William Holmes McGuffey (mid-1840s), author of the McGuffey Readers, one of America's first textbooks

Tuesday, September 4, 2007


The term Old High German (OHG, German: Althochdeutsch, german abbr. Ahd.) refers to the earliest stage of the German language and it conventionally covers the period from around 500 to 1050. Coherent written texts do not appear until the second half of the 8th century, and some treat the period before 750 as 'prehistoric' and date the start of Old High German proper to 750 for this reason. There are, however, a number of Elder Futhark inscriptions dating to the 6th century (notably the Pforzen buckle), as well as single words and many names found in Latin texts predating the 8th century.

Characteristics
There was no standard or supra-regional variety of Old High German - every text is written in a particular dialect, or in some cases a mixture of dialects. Broadly speaking, the main dialect divisions of Old High German seem to have been similar to those of later periods - they are based on established territorial groupings and the effects of the Second Sound Shift, which have remained influential until the present day. But because the direct evidence for Old High German consists solely of manuscripts produced in a few major ecclesiastical centres, there is no isogloss information of the sort on which modern dialect maps are based. For this reason the OHG dialects may be termed monastery dialects.
The main OHG dialects, with their bishoprics and monasteries:
There are some important differences between the geographical spread of the Old High German dialects and that of Modern German:

Central German

  • Middle Franconian: Trier, Echternach, Cologne
    Rhine Franconian: Lorsch, Speyer, Worms, Mainz, Frankfurt
    South Rhine Franconian: Weissenburg im Elsaß
    East Franconian: Fulda, Bamberg, Würzburg
    Thuringian: (no texts)
    West Franconian: conjectural dialect of the Franks in Northern Gaul
    Upper German

    • Alemannic: Murbach, Reichenau, Sankt Gallen. Strasbourg
      Bavarian: Freising, Passau, Regensburg, Augsburg, Ebersberg, Wessobrunn, Tegernsee, Salzburg, Mondsee
      Langobardic: (fragmentary, classification as OHG uncertain)
      no German dialects were spoken east of the Rivers Elbe and Saale - in the OHG period this area was occupied by Slavic peoples since the Völkerwanderung and was not settled by German speakers until the late 10th and the early 11th century
      the Langobardic dialect of the Lombards who invaded Northern Italy in the 6th century is assumed to have been an Upper German dialect, though little evidence of it remains apart from names and individual words in Latin texts, and a few inscriptions Dialects
      The Franks conquered Northern Gaul as far south as the Loire; the linguistic boundary later stabilised approximately along the course of the Maas and Moselle, with Frankish speakers further west being romanised. However Frankish is a special case among the old West Germanic languages, the Frankish tribes build their empire at the same time as the High German consonant shift took place. This meant that the dialects of Frankish in the North of their Empire, the Low Countries, did not shift while the dialects in the South did. The dialects in the south are part of Old High German, the ones in the North are part of Old Dutch.
      With Charlemagne's defeat of the Lombards in 776, nearly all continental Germanic speaking peoples had been incorporated into the Frankish Empire. Thus also bringing all continental West Germanic speakers under Frankish rule. However, since the language of both the administration and the Church was Latin, this unification did not lead to any development of a supra-regional variety of Frankish.

      Phonology
      Notes:

      It seems likely that all back vowels had front allophones as a result of Umlaut, which were then phonemicized in MHG. There was also a mid-close [e] resulting from the Umlaut of /a/ and /e/.
      It is probable that the short high and mid vowels are lower than their long equivalents, as in Modern German, but this is impossible to establish from the written sources.
      Towards the end of the period, short vowels and then long vowels tended to be replaced, when in unstressed syllables, by <e> spellings, which may have represented [ɛ] or schwa [ə]. Vowels
      OHG diphthongs are indicated by the spellings: <ei>, <ie>, <io>, <iu>, <ou>, <uo>.

      Diphthongs

      There is wide variation in the consonant systems of the OHG dialects arising mainly from the differing extent to which they are affected by the High German Sound Shift. Precise information about the articulation of consonants is impossible to establish.
      In the plosive and fricative series, where there are two consonants in a cell, the first is fortis the second lenis. The voicing of lenis consonants varied between dialects.
      OHG has long consonants, and the following double consonant spellings indicate not vowel length as in Modern German orthography, but rather genuine double consonants: pp, bb, tt, dd, ck (for /kk/), gg, ff, ss, hh, zz, mm, nn, ll, rr.
      /θ/ changes to /d/ in all dialects during the 9th century. The status in the OHG Tatian (c. 830), reflected in modern OHG dictionaries and glossaries, is that <th> is found in initial position, <d> in other positions.
      It is not clear whether the distribution of palatal and velar allophones /c ~ k/ and /ç ~ x/(before front and back vowels, respectively) found in Modern German was already present in OHG. Papacy Consonants
      Further information: Medieval German literature
      The early part of the period saw considerable missionary activity, and by 800 the whole of the Frankish Empire had, in principle, been Christianised. All the manuscripts which contain Old High German texts were written in ecclesiastical scriptoria by scribes whose main task was writing in Latin rather than German. Consequently, the majority of Old High German texts are religious in nature and show strong influence of ecclesiastical Latin on the vocabulary. In fact, most surviving prose texts are translations of Latin originals. Even secular works such as the Hildebrandslied are often preserved only because they were written on spare sheets in religious codices.
      The earliest OHG text is generally taken to be the Abrogans, a Latin-Old High German glossary variously dated between 750 and 780, probably from Reichenau. The 8th century Merseburg Incantations are the only remnant of pre-Christian German literature. The earliest texts not dependent on Latin originals would seem to be the Hildebrandslied and the Wessobrunn Prayer, both recorded in manuscripts of the early 9th Century, though the texts are assumed to derive from earlier copies.
      The Bavarian Muspilli is the sole survivor of what must have been a vast oral tradition. Other important works are the Evangelienbuch (Gospel harmony) of Otfried von Weissenburg, the short but splendid Ludwigslied and the 9th century Georgslied. The boundary to Early Middle High German (from ca. 1050) is not clear-cut. The most impressive example of EMHG literature is the Annolied.

      Samples

      Middle High German
      Medieval German Literature

Monday, September 3, 2007

Trusted Computing Platform Alliance
The Trusted Computing Group (TCG), successor to the Trusted Computing Platform Alliance (TCPA), is an initiative started by AMD, Hewlett-Packard, IBM, Infineon, Intel, Microsoft, and Sun Microsystems to implement Trusted Computing. Many others followed.

Overview
Chipmakers have developed varying implementations that integrate the TPM functions into a normal chipset. Intel's is called trusted execution technology . AMD's is called Secure Virtual Machine (SVM) [2]. Transmeta's is called Transmeta Security eXtensions (TSX). IBM uses two names, Embedded Security Subsystem and ThinkVantage Technology. Winbond Corporation uses SafeKeeper. Phoenix Technologies' BIOS for it is called Core Managed Environment (cME). Fujitsu calls it FirstWare Vault. Hewlett Packard calls it ProtectTools.
Microsoft's initiative is called Next Generation Secure Computing Base (formerly Palladium). Owing to significant difficulties in creating a working implementation that third-party developers were interested in using, NGSCB is not being included with Microsoft's next major operating system release, Windows Vista. Instead, Vista will ship with a few technologies that can make use of a TPM chip, such as BitLocker Drive Encryption, and a new version of the Microsoft Cryptography API. [3]

Related projects
The group has faced widescale opposition from the free software community on the grounds that the technology they are developing has a negative impact on the users' privacy and can create customer lock-in, especially if it is used to create DRM applications. It has received criticism from the GNU/Linux and FreeBSD communities, as well as the software development community in general. Significant backlash amongst the Trusted Computing Group was present during Richard Stallman's speech at the Hackers on Planet Earth conference in July 2006, in New York. Richard Stallman and the Free Software Foundation have also criticized the group publicly in other speeches. The criticism calls Trusted Computing "Treacherous Computing" instead and warns that vendors can lock out software that is not officially signed by specific vendors, rendering it unusable.

Criticisms

AMD
Hewlett-Packard
IBM
Infineon
Intel Corporation
Lenovo Holdings Limited
Microsoft
Sun Microsystems, Inc.
John McLean
John McLean (March 11, 1785April 4, 1861) was an American jurist and politician who served in the United States Congress, as U.S. Postmaster General, and as a justice on the Ohio and U.S. Supreme Courts.
McLean was born in Morris County, New Jersey, the son of Fergus McLean and Sophia Blackford. After living in a succession of frontier towns, Morgantown, Virginia; Nicholasville, Kentucky; and Maysville, Kentucky; in 1797 his family settled in Ridgeville, Warren County, Ohio. His brother William was also a successful Ohio politician. His brother Finis McLean was a United States Representative from Kentucky.
He studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1807. That same year he founded The Western Star, a weekly newspaper at Lebanon, the Warren County seat, where he practiced law. He was elected to the U.S. House for the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Congresses, serving from March 4, 1813, until he resigned in 1816 to take a seat on the Ohio Supreme Court which he had been elected to February 17, 1816, replacing William W. Irwin.
He resigned his judgeship in 1822 to take President James Monroe's appointment to be Commissioner of the General Land Office, serving until 1823, when Monroe appointed him United States Postmaster General. McLean served in that post from December 9, 1823, to March 7, 1829, under Monroe and John Quincy Adams, presiding over a massive expansion of the Post Office into the new western states and territories and the elevation of the Postmaster Generalship to a cabinet office. While Postmaster General, he supported Andrew Jackson, who offered him the posts of Secretary of War and Secretary of the Navy, but he declined both and was instead appointed to the Supreme Court.
Known as "The Politician on the Supreme Court," he associated himself with every party on the political spectrum, moving from a Jackson Democrat, to the Anti-Jackson Democrats, the Anti-masonic Party, the Whigs, the Free Soilers, and finally the Republicans. President John Tyler again offered the post of Secretary of War, but he declined. Because of his fierce anti-slavery positions, he was considered by the new Republican party as a candidate in 1856. Despite his efforts, the nomination went to John C. Frémont. In 1860, he tried again, winning twelve votes on the first ballot at the Republican convention in Chicago; Abraham Lincoln ultimately was nominated.
In Dred Scott v. Sanford, his fierce dissenting views are believed to have forced the hand of Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney into a harsher and more polarizing opinion than he originally planned. He also wrote the Court's opinion denying there was a common-law copyright in American law in Wheaton v. Peters.
He died in Cincinnati, Ohio, and was buried in Spring Grove Cemetery, Cincinnati. Prior to his death, McLean had been the last surviving member of the Monroe and Adams Cabinets. His son, Nathaniel C. McLean, was a Union general in the American Civil War.

Sunday, September 2, 2007


This article is part of the series:Government of Bangladesh Politics and government of Bangladesh
Politics of Bangladesh takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the Prime Minister of Bangladesh is the head of government, and of a pluriform multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament. The Constitution of Bangladesh was written in 1972 and has undergone thirteen amendments.

Constitution
2006–2007 political crisis
President

  • Iajuddin Ahmed
    Chief Adviser

    • Fakhruddin Ahmed
      Parliament
      Political parties
      Elections

      • Parliament: 2001 - 2008
        Divisions
        Districts
        Upazilas
        Human Rights
        Foreign relations Executive branch
        The legislature is a unicameral, 300-seat body, the Jatiyo Sangshad. The 300 members are elected by universal suffrage at least every 5 years. There is universal suffrage for all citizens at the age of 18.
        "On 16 May 2004, the Jatiyo Sangshad (the national parliament) passed the 14th constitutional amendment to reintroduce quotas for women (article 65). The number of seats in parliament is to be raised to 345, 45 (13%) of which will be reserved for women in the next parliament. The seats will be allocated to parties in proportion to their overall share of the vote. This quota system repleces the previous quota law which expired in 2001. Until 2001 a system of reserved seats for women was used, where 30 seats out of 330 were reserved to women (chosen by indirect election by the 300 directly elected MPs). This provision of guaranteeing women reserved seats expired in April 2001. This quota system was first introduced by the 1972 Constitution (originally providing for 15 reserved seats for women, out of 315 seats, for a period of 10 years). In 1978 a presidential proclamation enlarged the number of reserved seats to 30 and extended the period of reservation to 15 years from the date of promulgation of the constitution of the Republic in December 1972. The constitutional provision lapsed in 1987 and was re-incorporated in the constitution by an amendment in 1990 to be effective for 10 years from the first meeting of the legislature next elected. This provision also lapsed in 2001. The Parliament elected in October 2001 does not have reserved seats for women. Women's groups are lobbying for these seats to become directly elected positions and for the number of reserved seats to be increased." International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance
        The 8th Parliament had its first sitting on 28 October 2001.

        Legislative branch
        For other political parties see List of political parties in Bangladesh. An overview on elections and election results is included in Elections in Bangladesh.
        The two major parties in Bangladesh are the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Bangladesh Awami League. BNP finds its allies among Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh while Awami League aligns itself traditionally with leftist and secularist parties. Another important player is the Jatiya Party, headed by former military ruler Ershad. The Awami League-BNP rivalry has been bitter and punctuated by protests, violence and murder. Student politics is particularly strong in Bangladesh, a legacy from the liberation movement era. Almost all parties have highly active student wings, and students have been elected to the Parliament.
        Two radical Islamist parties, Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB) and Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), were banned in February 2005 by Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Since then, a series of bomb attacks took place in the country and have been blamed on those groups, and hundreds of suspected members have been detained in numerous security operations, including the head the of those two parties in 2006. The first recorded case of a suicide bomb attack in Bangladesh took place in November 2005.

        Includes candidates of the Islamic National Unity Front (Islami Jatiya Oikya Front) Political parties and elections
        The highest judiciary body is the Supreme Court, whose Chief Justice and judges are recommended by the Prime Minister and formally appointed by the President. The judiciary has come under criticism for lack of independence. Indeed, magistrates for lower courts are selected via the same process for all members of the civil service, an office which is run by the executive. In the summer of 2007, a new law has been enacted to redress this problem.

        Judicial branch

        History
        The provisional government of the new nation of Bangladesh was formed in Dhaka with Justice Abu Sayeed Choudhury as President, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ("Mujib")--who was released from Pakistani prison in early 1972--as Prime Minister.

        1972-1975 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
        Successive military coups resulted in the emergence of Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ziaur Rahman ("Zia") as strongman. He pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed by President Chief Justice Sayem. Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem dissolved Parliament, promising fresh elections in 1977, and instituted martial law.
        Acting behind the scenes of the Martial Law Administration (MLA), Zia sought to invigorate government policy and administration. While continuing the ban on political parties, he sought to revitalize the demoralized bureaucracy, to begin new economic development programs, and to emphasize family planning. In November 1976, Zia became Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) and assumed the presidency upon Sayem's retirement 5 months later, promising national elections in 1978.
        As President, Zia announced a 19-point program of economic reform and began dismantling the MLA. Keeping his promise to hold elections, Zia won a 5-year term in June 1978 elections, with 76% of the vote. In November 1978, his government removed the remaining restrictions on political party activities in time for parliamentary elections in February 1979. These elections, which were contested by more than 30 parties, marked the culmination of Zia's transformation of Bangladesh's Government from the MLA to a democratically elected, constitutional one. The AL and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), founded by Zia, emerged as the two major parties. The constitution was again amended to provide for an executive prime minister appointed by the president, and responsible to a parliamentary majority.
        In May 1981, Zia was assassinated in Chittagong by dissident elements of the military. The attempted coup never spread beyond that city, and the major conspirators were either taken into custody or killed. In accordance with the constitution, Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar was sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for election of a new president within 6 months--an election Sattar won as the BNP's candidate. President Sattar sought to follow the policies of his predecessor and retained essentially the same cabinet, but the army stepped in once again.

        1975-1981 Ziaur Rahman
        Army Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Hussain Mohammed Ershad assumed power in a bloodless coup in March 1982. Like his predecessors, Ershad suspended the constitution and--citing pervasive corruption, ineffectual government, and economic mismanagement--declared martial law. The following year, Ershad assumed the presidency, retaining his positions as army chief and CMLA. During most of 1984, Ershad sought the opposition parties' participation in local elections under martial law. The opposition's refusal to participate, however, forced Ershad to abandon these plans. Ershad sought public support for his regime in a national referendum on his leadership in March 1985. He won overwhelmingly, although turnout was small. Two months later, Ershad held elections for local council chairmen. Pro-government candidates won a majority of the posts, setting in motion the President's ambitious decentralization program. Political life was further liberalized in early 1986, and additional political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies, were restored. At the same time, the Jatiya (People's) Party, designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial law, was established.
        Despite a boycott by the BNP, led by President Zia's widow, Begum Khaleda Zia, parliamentary elections were held on schedule in May 1986. The Jatiya Party won a modest majority of the 300 elected seats in the national assembly. The participation of the Awami League--led by the late Prime Minister Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina Wazed--lent the elections some credibility, despite widespread charges of voting irregularities.
        Ershad resigned as Army Chief of Staff and retired from military service in preparation for the presidential elections, scheduled for October. Protesting that martial law was still in effect, both the BNP and the AL refused to put up opposing candidates. Ershad easily outdistanced the remaining candidates, taking 84% of the vote. Although Ershad's government claimed a turnout of more than 50%, opposition leaders, and much of the foreign press, estimated a far lower percentage and alleged voting irregularities.
        Ershad continued his stated commitment to lift martial law. In November 1986, his government mustered the necessary two-thirds majority in the national assembly to amend the constitution and confirm the previous actions of the martial law regime. The President then lifted martial law, and the opposition parties took their elected seats in the national assembly.
        In July 1987, however, after the government hastily pushed through a controversial legislative bill to include military representation on local administrative councils, the opposition walked out of Parliament. Passage of the bill helped spark an opposition movement that quickly gathered momentum, uniting Bangladesh's opposition parties for the first time. The government began to arrest scores of opposition activists under the country's Special Powers Act of 1974. Despite these arrests, opposition parties continued to organize protest marches and nationwide strikes. After declaring a state of emergency, Ershad dissolved Parliament and scheduled fresh elections for March 1988.
        All major opposition parties refused government overtures to participate in these polls, maintaining that the government was incapable of holding free and fair elections. Despite the opposition boycott, the government proceeded. The ruling Jatiya Party won 251 of the 300 seats. The Parliament, while still regarded by the opposition as an illegitimate body, held its sessions as scheduled, and passed a large number of bills, including, in June 1988, a controversial constitutional amendment making Islam Bangladesh's state religion.
        By 1989, the domestic political situation in the country seemed to have quieted. The local council elections were generally considered by international observers to have been less violent and more free and fair than previous elections. However, opposition to Ershad's rule began to regain momentum, escalating by the end of 1990 in frequent general strikes, increased campus protests, public rallies, and a general disintegration of law and order.
        On December 6, 1990, Ershad offered his resignation. On February 27, 1991, after 2 months of widespread civil unrest, an interim government oversaw what most observers believed to be the nation's most free and fair elections to date.

        1982-1990 Hussain Mohammed Ershad
        The center-right BNP won a plurality of seats and formed a coalition government with the Islamic party Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, with Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of Prime Minister. Only four parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1991 Parliament: The BNP, led by Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia; the AL, led by Sheikh Hasina; the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), led by Golam Azam; and the Jatiya Party (JP), led by acting chairman Mizanur Rahman Choudhury while its founder, former President Ershad, served out a prison sentence on corruption charges. The electorate approved still more changes to the constitution, formally re-creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original 1972 constitution. In October 1991, members of Parliament elected a new head of state, President Abdur Rahman Biswas.
        In March 1994, controversy over a parliamentary by-election, which the opposition claimed the government had rigged, led to an indefinite boycott of Parliament by the entire opposition. The opposition also began a program of repeated general strikes to press its demand that Khaleda Zia's government resign and a caretaker government supervise a general election. Efforts to mediate the dispute, under the auspices of the Commonwealth Secretariat, failed. After another attempt at a negotiated settlement failed narrowly in late December 1994, the opposition resigned en masse from Parliament. The opposition then continued a campaign of Marches, demonstrations, and strikes in an effort to force the government to resign. The opposition, including the Awami League's Sheikh Hasina, pledged to boycott national elections scheduled for February 15, 1996.
        In February, Khaleda Zia was re-elected for the second term by a landslide in voting boycotted and denounced as unfair by the three main opposition parties. In March 1996, following escalating political turmoil, the sitting Parliament enacted a constitutional amendment to allow a neutral caretaker government to assume power conduct new parliamentary elections; former Chief Justice Mohammed Habibur Rahman was named Chief Advisor (a position equivalent to prime minister) in the interim government. New parliamentary elections were held in June 1996 and were won by the Awami League; party leader Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister.

        1991-1996 Khaleda Zia
        Sheikh Hasina formed what she called a "Government of National Consensus" in June 1996, which included one minister from the Jatiya Party and another from the Jatiyo Samajtantric Dal, a very small leftist party. The Jatiya Party never entered into a formal coalition arrangement, and party president H.M. Ershad withdrew his support from the government in September 1997. Only three parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1996 Parliament: The Awami League, BNP, and Jatiya Party. Jatiya Party president, Ershad, was released from prison on bail in January 1997.
        Although international and domestic election observers found the June 1996 election free and fair, the BNP protested alleged vote rigging by the Awami League. Ultimately, however, the BNP party decided to join the new Parliament. The BNP soon charged that police and Awami League activists were engaged in large-scale harassment and jailing of opposition activists. At the end of 1996, the BNP staged a parliamentary walkout over this and other grievances but returned in January 1997 under a four-point agreement with the ruling party. The BNP asserted that this agreement was never implemented and later staged another walkout in August 1997. The BNP returned to Parliament under another agreement in March 1998.
        In June 1999, the BNP and other opposition parties again began to abstain from attending Parliament. Opposition parties have staged an increasing number of nationwide general strikes, rising from 6 days of general strikes in 1997 to 27 days in 1999. A four-party opposition alliance formed at the beginning of 1999 announced that it would boycott parliamentary by-elections and local government elections unless the government took steps demanded by the opposition to ensure electoral fairness. The government did not take these steps, and the opposition has subsequently boycotted all elections, including municipal council elections in February 1999, several parliamentary by-elections, and the Chittagong city corporation elections in January 2000. The opposition demands that the Awami League government step down immediately to make way for a caretaker government to preside over paliamentary and local government.

        1996-2001 Sheikh Hasina
        Khaleda Zia won a third term in 2001. Her coalition included several Islamist parties, a fact which was criticized by those who feared post-9/11 Islamic radicalism and de-secularization in Bangladesh. Islamist violence targeting courts and imposing social strictures became a serious problem as Zia's term wore on. It came to a head in 2005 with the first suicide bombing and a coordinated bombing. This problem abated as two parties were outlawed and the leaders of the movement were rounded up.

        2001-2006 Khaleda Zia
        An election was scheduled for the end of 2006, however it did not take place. The caretaker government was accused of BNP bias by Hasina and her coalition, who fomented nationwide protests and shutdowns. In January 2007, the head of the caretaker government stepped down, many believe under pressure from the military.
        Fakhruddin Ahmed, former World Bank economist, was selected to replace him and has committed himself to rooting out corruption and preparing a better voter list. Emergency law was declared and a massive campaign to crack down on corruption is underway. By July 2007 some 200,000 people had been arrested. The government says it will hold elections before the end of 2008.
        In April, Ahmed's administration attempted to reform the political parties by exiling Hasina and Zia, but they backed down amid domestic and international protestations. Hasina, who had been visiting her children in US, was allowed to return but she faced serious charges, including involvement in the assassination of four political rivals. In July, she was taken into custody after two businessmen testified that she had extorted 80 million taka ($1.16 million) from them. Khaleda herself faces charges of tax evasion.

        2006-present Caretaker Government
        At the local government level, the country is divided into divisions, districts, subdistricts, unions, and villages. Local officials are elected at the union level. All larger administrative units are run by members of the civil service.

        Government Agencies
        AsDB, C, CCC, CP, ESCAP, FAO, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC, ICFTU, ICRM, IDA,ICDDRB, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, IHO (pending member), ILO, IMF, IMO, Inmarsat, Intelsat, Interpol, IOC, IOM, ISO, ITU, MINURSO, MONUC, NAM, OIC, OPCW, SAARC, UN, UN Security Council (temporary), UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNIKOM, UNMIBH, UNMIK, UNMOP, UNMOT, UNOMIG, UNTAET, UNU, UPU, WCL, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WToO, WTrO

Saturday, September 1, 2007

Kargil War
8 POWs. was an armed conflict between India and Pakistan that took place between May and July 1999 in the Kargil district of Kashmir. The cause of the war was the infiltration of Pakistani soldiers and Kashmiri militants into positions on the Indian side of the Line of Control, which serves as the de facto border between the two nations. Directly after the war, Pakistan blamed the fighting entirely on independent Kashmiri insurgents; however, documents left behind by casualties and later statements by Pakistan's Prime Minister and Chief of Army Staff showed involvement of Pakistani paramilitary forces. The Indian Army, supported by the Indian Air Force, attacked the Pakistani positions and, with international diplomatic support, eventually forced a Pakistani withdrawal across the Line of Control (LoC).
The war is one of the most recent examples of high altitude warfare in mountainous terrain, and posed significant logistical problems for the combating sides. This was the first ground war between the two countries after they had developed nuclear weapons. (India and Pakistan both test-detonated fission devices in May 1998, though the first Indian nuclear test was conducted in 1974.) The conflict led to heightened tensions between the two nations and increased defence spending on the part of India. In Pakistan, the aftermath caused instability to the government and the economy, and on October 12, 1999 a coup d'etat by the military placed army chief Pervez Musharraf in power.

Location
After the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, there had been a long period of relative calm among the two neighbours. But during the 1990s, escalating tensions and conflict with separatists in Kashmir as well as nuclear tests by both countries in 1998 changed the scenario. Despite the belligerent atmosphere, both countries signed the Lahore Declaration in February 1999 to provide a peaceful and bilateral solution to the Kashmiri issue. However, elements in the Military of Pakistan covertly trained and sent troops and paramilitary forces, some allegedly in the guise of mujahideen, into the Indian territory. The aim was to sever the link between Kashmir and Ladakh, and cause Indian forces to withdraw from the Siachen Glacier, thus forcing India to negotiate a settlement of the broader Kashmir dispute. Pakistan also believed that any tension in the region would internationalise the Kashmir issue, helping it to secure a speedy resolution. Yet another goal may have been to boost the morale of the decade-long rebellion in Indian Administered Kashmir by taking a proactive role. Some writers have speculated that the operation's objective may also have been as a retalliation for India's Operation Meghdoot in 1984 that seized much of Siachen Glacier.

Background
There were three major phases to the Kargil War. First, Pakistan captured several strategic high points in the Indian-controlled section of Kashmir. India responded by first capturing strategic transportation routes, then militarily pushing Pakistani forces back across the Line of Control.

War progress
Because of the extreme winter weather in Kashmir, it was common practice for the Indian and Pakistan Army to abandon forward posts and reoccupy them in the spring. That particular spring, the Pakistan Army reoccupied the forward posts before the scheduled time.
In early May 1999, the Pakistan Army decided to occupy the Kargil posts, numbering around 130, and thus control the area. Troops from the elite Special Services Group as well as four to seven battalions This figure includes troops from Pakistan-administered Kashmir that were involved in the war providing additional artillery support.

Occupation by Pakistan
The terrain of Kashmir is mountainous and at high altitudes; even the best roads, such as National Highway No. 1 (NH 1) from Leh to Srinagar, are only two lanes. The rough terrain and narrow roads slowed traffic, and the high altitude, which affected the ability of aircraft to carry loads, made control of NH 1A (the actual stretch of the highway which was under Pakistani fire) a priority for India. From their observation posts, the Pakistani forces had a clear line of sight to lay down indirect artillery fire on NH 1A, inflicting heavy casualties on the Indians. The initial Indian attacks were aimed at controlling the hills overlooking NH 1A, with high priority being given to the stretches of the highway near the town of Kargil. The majority of posts along the Line of Control were adjacent to the highway, and therefore the recapture of nearly every infiltrated post increased both the territorial gains and the security of the highway. The protection of this route and the recapture of the forward posts were thus ongoing objectives throughout the war. Though most of the posts in the vicinity of the highway were cleared by mid-June, some parts of the highway near Drass witnessed sporadic shelling until the end of the war.

Protection of National Highway No. 1A
Once India regained control of the hills overlooking NH 1A, the Indian Army turned to driving the invading force back across the Line of Control, but elected not to pursue forces further into the Pakistani-controlled portion of Kashmir. The Battle of Tololing, among other assaults, slowly tilted the combat in India's favor. Nevertheless, some of the posts put up a stiff resistance, including Tiger Hill (Point 5140) that fell only later in the war. A few of the assaults occurred atop hitherto unheard of peaks – most of them unnamed with only Point numbers to differentiate them – which witnessed fierce hand to hand combat. As the operation was fully underway, about 250 artillery guns were brought in to clear the infiltrators in the posts that were in the line of sight. The Bofors field howitzer (infamous in India due to the Bofors scandal) played a vital role, with Indian gunners making maximum use of the terrain that assisted such an attack. However, its success was limited elsewhere due to the lack of space and depth to deploy the Bofors gun. It was in this type of terrain that aerial attacks were introduced. The Indian Air Force launched Operation Safed Sagar but was limited by the high altitude, which in turn limited bomb loads and the number of airstrips that could be used. The IAF lost a MiG-27 strike aircraft which it attributed to an engine failure as well as a MiG-21 fighter which was shot down by Pakistan; Pakistan said it shot down both jets after they crossed into its territory Following this, the Indian army launched its final attacks in the last week of July; as soon as the last of these Jihadists in the Drass subsector had been cleared, the fighting ceased on July 26. The day has since been marked as Kargil Vijay Diwas (Kargil Victory Day) in India. By the end of the war, India had resumed control of all territory south and east of the Line of Control, as was established in July 1972 as per the Shimla Accord.
Indian territory recovery
Pakistan was criticised by other countries for allowing its paramilitary forces and insurgents to cross the Line of Control.

World opinion
The Kargil War was significant for the impact and influence of the mass media in both nations, especially on the Indian side. Coming at a time of exploding growth in electronic journalism in India, the Kargil news stories and war footage were often telecast live on TV, and many websites provided in-depth analysis of the war. The conflict became the first "live" war in South Asia that was given such detailed media coverage, often to the extent of drumming up jingoistic feelings. The conflict soon turned into a news propaganda war, with the official press briefings of both nations producing claims and counterclaims. It reached such a stage where an outside observer listening to both Indian as well as Pakistani coverage of this conflict, would wonder whether both sides were reporting on the same conflict. The Indian government placed a temporary news embargo on information from Pakistan, even banning the telecast of the state-run Pakistani channel PTV and blocked access to online editions of Dawn newspaper. The Pakistani media played up this apparent curbing of freedom of the press in India, while the latter claimed it was in the interests of national security. Incidentally, one of the shells fired by Pakistan troops even hit a Doordarshan transmission centre in Kargil, although coverage continued. and served as a morale booster. As the fighting intensified, the Pakistani version of events found little backing on the world stage, helping India to gain valuable diplomatic recognition for its position on the issue.

Kargil War Impact and influence of media
One of the main concerns in the international community during the Kargil crisis was that both neighbours had access to weapons of mass destruction, and if the war intensified, it could have led to nuclear war. Both countries had tested their nuclear capability a year before in 1998; India conducted its first test in 1974 while it was Pakistan's first-ever nuclear test. Many pundits believed the tests to be an indication of the escalating stakes in the scenario in South Asia. With the outbreak of clashes in Kashmir just a year after the nuclear tests, many nations took notice of the conflict and desired to end it.
The first hint of the possible use of a nuclear bomb was on May 31 when Pakistani foreign secretary Shamshad Ahmad made a statement warning that an escalation of the limited conflict could lead Pakistan to use "any weapon" in its arsenal.

WMDs and the nuclear factor

Aftermath
The aftermath of the war saw the rise of the Indian stock market by over 30%. The next Indian national budget included major increases in military spending. From the end of the war until February 2000, the economy of India was bullish. There was a surge in patriotism, with many celebrities pitching in towards the Kargil cause.

India
Faced with the possibility of international isolation, the already fragile Pakistani economy was weakened further. All these factors contributed to a strategic failure for Pakistan in Kargil.

Notes

The Cause and Consequences of the 1999 Limited War in Kargil the CCC Kargil Project.
Kargil Conflict (GlobalSecurity.org)
Limited Conflict Under the Nuclear Umbrella (RAND Corporation)
War in Kargil (Center for Contemporary Conflict) PDF download
Essay on the outcomes of the Kargil War
Stephen P. Cohen (2004). The Idea of Pakistan. Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 0-8157-1502-1. 
Kargil Review Committee (2000). From Surprise to Reckoning : The Kargil Review Committee Report. SAGE Publications. ISBN 0-7619-9466-1.  (Executive summary of the report, Online)
Limited War with Pakistan: Will It Secure India's Interests? Paper by Suba Chandran
An Analysis of the Kargil Conflict 1999, by Shaukat Qadir, RUSI Journal, April 2002 (PDF)